Thursday, January 10, 2008

Race as an Issue

The Race Card?
January 08, 2008Read More: Bill Clinton
Brazile on Bill: 'Depressing'
On CNN today, Donna Brazile lit into Bill Clinton with a vehemence that raised eyebrows in both of their circles:
Brazile: I could understand his frustration at this moment. But, look, he shouldn't take out all his pain on Barack Obama. It's time that they regroup. Figure out what Hillary needs to do to get her campaign back on track. It sounds like sour grapes coming from the former commander in chief. Someone that many Democrats hold in high esteem. For him to go after Obama, using a fairy tale, calling him as he did last week. It's an insult. And I will tell you, as an African-American, I find his tone and his words to be very depressing.
[snip]Blitzer: But tell me why, as an African-American, Donna, you feel that the president's comments weren't appropriate.Brazile: First of all, if Bill Bennett [also on the show] had said some of the things that Bill Clinton is saying about Barack Obama, I would have called Bill Bennett out of his name and said that Bill Bennett should shut his mouth because he is not speaking in the right tone. I think his tone, I think calling Barack Obama a kid, he is a United States senator. He's experienced. The people of Illinois elected him, and regardless of what kind of items are on his résumé, this is a man who has worked all his life. He's proven; he's been a college professor. I don't have to give Barack Obama a résumé. I'm not for anyone at this point. But I think for Bill Clinton to go out of his way to become a distraction to Hillary Clinton and to launch the kind of attack on Obama is just out of character for Bill Clinton. I think it's time he helps Hillary talk about her message and not go down this road.
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Awe, I am such a fan of Donna Brazile (even at one point wanting to draft her as chair of the DNC) and I'm saddened that it seems like she played the race card here :-\ As a minority, that's depressing to me too Donna . . .

Posted By: LawSchoolDem January 08, 2008 at 08:08 PM
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As I said in a open public vote people don't want to appear racist that may be true also with telephone poll repliers
One theory is that voters contacted by pollsters are more likely to say they support a black candidate running against a white candidate out of desire to seem progressive. Social psychologists called this "social desirability" – the urge to act in ways that one believes his or her environment finds appropriate.
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Who can beat McCain? And who can McCain beat?
Posted January 9th, 2008 at 4:07 pm
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As the presidential campaign has unfolded, I imagine most Dems have been looking at the Republican field, sizing them up for a general election campaign. Regardless of merit or qualifications, some of these guys would be more formidable than others. Dems, of course, aren’t exactly in a position to influence the outcome — we have our own contest to worry about — but who the GOP chooses as its nominee might be relevant to who the Dems pick as theirs.
Of course, it’s a subjective guessing game. From where I sit, I would worry a lot less if Republicans nominated Fred Thompson (too much like Bush), Mitt Romney (too much like a Ken doll), Rudy Giuliani (too imbalanced), or Ron Paul (too much like Ron Paul). I worry slightly more about Mike Huckabee, despite his glaring flaws, because he’s likeable and charming. I worry most about John McCain, who is perceived, falsely, as a moderate.
TNR’s Jonathan Chait argued that Hillary Clinton’s success in New Hampshire makes McCain’s rise more likely.
The odds of a Republican presidency suddenly got a lot higher. There’s really only one potential matchup that would give the GOP a better than even chance of winning: John McCain versus Hillary Clinton. McCain is a popular personality who can attract the support of voters who aren’t inclined to support his party. Clinton is an unpopular personality who loses the support of voters who are otherwise inclined to support her party. If she wins the nomination, it will be because she’s a polarizing figure who rallies Democrats as the object of Republican attacks.
Kevin Drum offers the opposite perspective.
There are two things that keep me from being worried about a Clinton vs. McCain matchup. The first is that this simply looks to be a Democratic year. Tick off the reasons: Americans don’t like to keep a single political party in the White House for more than eight years (it’s only happened once in the postwar era). The war in Iraq is unpopular. The economy is sinking. The 9/11 effect has worn off. Conservatives are tired and plainly lack new ideas.
Second, I don’t think McCain is nearly as attractive a candidate as a lot of people think. Again, tick off the reasons: He’s 72 years old. He’s a dead-ender for the war. (Do you think "a million years in Iraq" will play well with moderates in November?) A lot of his independent cred has been shredded over the past couple of years. He’ll get evangelical votes, but he won’t get their enthusiastic support, the way George Bush did. Ditto for nativist votes. He’s got a long, very conservative voting record that’s never really been exposed to a national audience. The Keating Five scandal will get revisited. Press ardor for McCain will likely diminish as his campaign becomes less open, as it’s bound to do.
I’m torn, but I’m leaning in Chait’s direction. _______________________________________
There is a war on Still and McCain wouldn't stop it!
9 US Soldiers Killed in Iraq in 2 Days

January 9, 2008 03:35 PM EST
BAGHDAD — Nine American soldiers were killed in the first two days of a new American drive to kill al-Qaida in Iraq fighters holed up in districts north of the capital, the U.S. military said Wednesday.
Six soldiers were killed and four were wounded Wednesday in a booby-trapped house in Diyala province, where joint U.S.-Iraqi forces were driving through a difficult web of lush palm and citrus groves, farmland and fertile river bottoms.
The military also announced that three U.S. soldiers were killed and two were wounded Tuesday in an attack in Salahuddin province. The operation began Tuesday
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By Barney Frank
Congressman

Refight the Nineties?

By historical standards -- or any other -- the Democrats have an excellent set of presidential candidates from which to choose this season, and I look forward to campaigning enthusiastically and without reservation for our nominee. But this does not mean that we should be suppressing the discussion of differences, and it is in this framework that I think it is important to express my discomfort with a major theme of Senator Obama's campaign.I am referring to his denigration of "the Washington battles of the 1990's" and, usually implicitly but sometimes explicitly, of those who fought them. My unease is compounded by the very explicit note of generational politics in his approach. I should note that I cannot be accused of self interest in taking exception to those who lament the baneful influence of baby boomers on our current politics, having myself been born well before the boom. Indeed, being much too young to claim membership in the greatest generation and even being a couple of years short of being a depression baby, I am reconciled to being part of a fairly large birth cohort that goes undesignated in our pop sociology. But since I do not have much intellectual respect for generational politics, I can live with this chronological anomie. I say that because generational politics presumes that I should have a different set of political values today than I had in the sixties when I began my political activity. But I cannot think of a cause that I cared deeply about then that I felt it appropriate to abandon as I aged, nor an important issue in which I had no interest then, but which now gets my attention.This brings me to my particular concern with Senator Obama's vehement disassociation of himself and those he seeks to represent from "the fights of the nineties." I am very proud of many of the fights I engaged in in the nineties, as well as the eighties and before. Senator Obama also bemoans the "same bitter partisanship" of that period and appears to me to be again somewhat critical of those of us who he believes to have been engaged in it. I agree that it would have been better not to have had to fight over some of the issues that occupied us in the nineties. But there would have been only one way to avoid them -- and that would have been to give up. More importantly, the only way I can think of to avoid "refighting the same fights we had in the 1990's", to quote Senator Obama, is to let our opponents win these fights without a struggle.It would have been nice in the nineties not to have had to fight to defend a woman's right to choose whether or not to have an abortion, and I would be very happy if that fight ended tomorrow. I was troubled when Newt Gingrich and his right wing band took over Congress after the election of 1994 and sought to put an end to programs to deal with continuing racial discrimination and the resulting inequality, and I am even more distressed that we have to continue to fight that battle against a Republican party largely opposed to all of these efforts -- consider the Bush Justice Department and its role in dealing with people's right to vote. As a gay man, additionally, I would have been delighted in the nineties if our conservative opponents had been willing to recognize our rights to be treated fairly under the law, and I would have saved a lot of time, as recently as this past year, if there was not continued strong right wing opposition to the "radical" position that people should not be denied jobs because of their fundamental nature, or that hate crimes based on sexual orientation and gender identity should be treated less seriously than those based on racial or religious prejudice. These are three of the major fights in which I was engaged in the nineties, and I literally do not understand what Senator Obama means when he says that he does not want to keep fighting them. I know that he understands that those who were opposed to all three of those causes in which many of us deeply believe in the nineties continue their opposition, and I do not understand how we can avoid fighting those battles other than by conceding them, which I know he does not advocate.In some cases, Senator Obama does not seem to remember what some of the fights of the nineties were. I agree that it would be a good thing to have the 2008 election be in part "about whether to...pass universal health care" but that in fact is one of the central fights we had in the nineties. The effort of many of us to pass a universal health care plan is precisely one of the battles of the nineties, and it seems to me one that we very much want to keep fighting. Again, the only alternative to fighting it is losing it by concession.Another major fight of the nineties which seems to me essential -- not simply relevant -- to the current election is tax policy. Few fights that we had in the period when Senator Obama is denigrating our battles was more important than the successful effort to pass President Clinton's tax plan in 1993. That battle was so hotly fought that it contributed, sadly, to the Republican takeover the next year, because a number of the Democrats who had voted for a progressive tax plan which made the tax code less unfair and provided important revenues for important programs lost their seats because of it. I make no apologies for having fought that fight, and in fact I hope that whoever is the President of the United States in 2009 will take up the battle against excessive tax cuts for the wealthiest people in the country, both as a matter of fairness and as a matter of being able to afford fundamental programs essential to the quality of our lives. I also remember fighting hard during that period for the rights of working men and women to join unions, and while we lost that once the Republicans took power in '94, we did score one victory when we were still in the majority in passing, in a "bitter partisan battle," the Family and Medical Leave Act -- the need for us to wage that battle is once again as strong if not stronger in 2008 than it was in 1995.Finally, I do take pretty strong exception to Senator Obama's evenhanded denunciation of "the same bitter partisanship" of the nineties. It is true that American politics became much more partisan in the nineties, but that was primarily the result of the successful right wing takeover of the Republican Party, embodied at the time--he has since become a little more moderate for some tactical purpose--by Newt Gingrich. Again I do not think those of us who fought back against Gingrich's poisoning of the atmosphere should apologize for that. If anything, the apologies should come from those who were too slow to respond. It was Gingrich and his right wing allies who decided to inject a much harsher note of partisanship by explicitly rejecting the notion that the Democrats were honorable people with whom they disagreed, and instead decided, as Gingrich's own printed and taped materials argued, to portray us as treasonous, corrupt, immoral and otherwise vile. And when Gingrich was forced by his own flaws to step aside, Tom DeLay took up those cudgels with a little less rhetorical flourish but with an even heavier hand. If Senator Obama was denouncing the outrageous tactics of Gingrich and DeLay, I would be very much in support of his comments. Instead, he evenhandedly denounces the "bitter partisanship" of that period and seems to me to be distancing himself equally from the Gingrich/DeLay attack and the efforts of many of us to combat it. The comment calls to mind the marvelous words of John L. Lewis, at a point when Franklin Roosevelt pronounced a plague "on both their houses" with regard to a significant labor dispute. "It ill behooves one who has supped at labor's table and who has been sheltered in labor's house to curse with equal fervor and fine impartiality both labor and its adversaries when they become locked in deadly embrace." As a Democratic Member of the U.S. House of Representatives today, I close by noting that there does appear to me to be a strong contradiction between two of the criticisms we sometimes receive. One is the approach taken by Senator Obama, which I have just tried to describe, which expresses distaste for too much fighting and too much anger, with too little effort to govern in a way that bridges differences. But contrary to that, I often hear that we Democrats in the Congress have not fought hard enough, that we have not stood up enough for what we believe in, and have been too prone to conciliate. I personally do not think that either criticism is justified, but I know as a fact that they cannot both be true.I fully agree with Senator Obama that we should be arguing for the policies we advocate and the values from which they derive in a manner that appeals to the broadest possible segment of the public. His own ability to do that is one of our great assets. But I worry when people on my side underestimate the difficulty of our most important work, and I believe that is what Senator Obama does when he dismisses our efforts to fight the right wing in an earlier period because it suggests to me that he does underestimate the difficulty of the job. I think the best way to summarize my concern is that if you tell people that we should not be willing to refight the battles of the nineties -- including many very important ones that we are far from having won -- and if you tell people to refuse partisanship, you may be inviting people to leave the battlefield to those with whom we have the biggest differences. Racial fairness, reproductive rights for women, an end to discrimination against sexual minorities, universal health care, the right of working men and women to bargain collectively with employers -- these battles we waged in the nineties remain essential to our vision today, and I do not understand why we should either be embarrassed about having fought hard for them, ten, fifteen or twenty years ago, or why we should not be determined to keep fighting until we have achieved success.

2 comments:

Anonymous said...

Frankly, I'd rather not refight the fights of the '90's. Fighting about bimbo eruptions, stained blue dresses, the defintion of "is", the appropriate standard for what is or is not a high crime and misdemeanor, whether renting out the Lincoln bedroom or one's congressional office is a greater offense, and how far one must triangulate and kneecap the members of one's own party in Congress in order to save one's own behind from yet another self-created crisis, well, fighting those fights just seemed to distract a bit from the real work that needed, and still needs, to be done.

Anonymous said...

"I agree that it would have been better not to have had to fight over some of the issues that occupied us in the nineties. But there would have been only one way to avoid them -- and that would have been to give up."
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Congressman, please.

As the talented legislative tactician that you are, you know very well there was a way to avoid some of those fights, at least the aspects of the fights that had the real potential to do harm; and it sure as heck wouldn't have been to give up.

Had our party not lost our majorities in the House and the Senate (and a tremendous number of state legislative bodies in 1994) and remained in the minority until 2007 (excluding the brief Senate majority held after Jim Jeffords decided to caucus with Democrats), we could have avoided a significant number of battles and fights as well as a serious amount of lunacy.

Yet when Gingrich, DeLay and their little Dick Armey took control of the Congress, they skillfully managed the legislative process to attempt, sometimes successfully, to reverse decades of social and economic progress, to keep Democrats on the defensive legislatively and to give aid and comfort to the forces of reaction in the country at large.

So, why did we have to fight those fights? More accurately, why did we have to face 12 years of mostly rearguard actions simply attempting to prevent harm rather than being able to press a progressive agenda?

Well, Newt et al. didn't come to power by somehow managing to steal the keys and take up occupancy in the majority cloakroom in the dark of night. The Republican landslide of 1994 did occur for a reason or, as with any electoral sweep of such magnitude, several reasons: a degree of arrogance of power after decades in the majority, some scandals effectively exploited, changing demographics, etc.

Yet all of the studies and all of the analysis of survey research that I've seen suggest that there was one paramount reason that voters so overwhelmingly flocked to the GOP that year: the perception that, after about 2 years in office, the Clinton administration was woefully inadequate and appeared to be incapable of governing effectively.

And the prime contributing factor to that perception? The Hilary Clinton/Ira Magaziner health care reform proposal:

-- promulgated in what must be one of the oddest attempts ever to formulate public policy;

-- lobbied for in Congress and presented to the public ineffectively; and finally

-- abandoned with the administration's/Mrs. Clinton's unwillingness to compromise and seeming inability to negotiate a deal that might not have had the Magazineresque purity of the original proposal but that still would have made a positive difference in the lives of millions of Americans.

So, yes, Barney, we could have avoided a lot of the battles of the 1990's, most of which we seemed to lose or, at least, not win. Senator Clinton, however, would not have had such a full complement of that valuable experience she cites so frequently.

The good news, I suppose, is that the Senator asserts she learned a great deal from the health care reform debacle.

Certainly, she displayed a defter touch during the second Clinton term when she was, de jure, in charge of the administration's responses to the Whitewater Special Prosecutor. Most all of us remember what an effective legal and political strategy that turned out to be.

If you don't remember, just ask President Gore. The progressive achievements of the second Clinton term certainly laid the foundation for his election.

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